Commentary: Memory, Nationalism And Shifting Identity In Bangladesh
In Bangladesh, memory serves both as unifying force and a source of division (Tanvir Khondokar/Unsplash)
Memory plays a central role in shaping nationalism, particularly in post-colonial states where historical trauma serves as a foundation for national identity. Bangladesh’s nationalism is deeply intertwined with the memory of the 1971 Liberation War, an event that marked its severance from Pakistan and the birth of an independent state.
However, more than five decades after liberation, a generational shift has led to a growing rejection of the very spirit that once united the nation. The student movement in July-August 2024 brought to the surface a recurring debate: are Bangladeshis primarily Bengalis, or does their Muslim identity take precedence?
There is no doubt that while memory shaped Bangladeshi nationalism, certain segments of society moved away from the Liberation War narrative, causing tensions between Bengali cultural identity and Islamic identity to continue to evolve.
Scholars have long emphasised the role of memory in nationalism. Benedict Anderson introduced the idea of nations as “imagined communities,” constructed through shared memories, symbols and narratives.
For him, nationalism thrives when people feel a deep, emotional connection to a common past, even if they have never personally experienced it. Eric Hobsbawm argued that nationalism is often built on selective memory — some events are highlighted and celebrated, while others are forgotten or reinterpreted to fit a national narrative.
In Bangladesh, memory serves both as a unifying force and a source of division. The recollection of the 1971 war strengthens national consciousness, but different political and ideological groups interpret this history in conflicting ways. One report notes that the memory of 1971 has been used to construct a singular national identity, yet this identity has remained fluid, evolving with changing political and social dynamics.
Bangladeshi nationalism has its origins in the 1952 Language Movement, which emerged as a resistance against the Pakistani government’s attempt to impose Urdu as the sole state language.
The Language Movement
The movement, which led to the death of several students on February 21, 1952, became a defining moment in Bengali national consciousness. The demand for Bengali as a state language was not just about linguistic rights but also a struggle for cultural and political autonomy.
The movement laid the foundation for further resistance against West Pakistani rule. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Six-Point Movement in 1966 demanded greater autonomy for East Pakistan, intensifying the divide between the two regions.
The 1970 elections — where Mujib’s Awami League secured a landslide victory — signalled East Pakistan’s overwhelming desire for self-rule. However, the Pakistani military’s violent crackdown on March 25, 1971, triggered the Liberation War, a nine-month struggle that ended in Bangladesh’s independence.
The war’s traumatic memory — marked by mass killings, sexual violence and the displacement of millions — became the bedrock of Bangladesh’s nationalism. The new nation framed its identity around the values of secularism, democracy and Bengali cultural pride.
However, after the assassination of Bangladesh’s founding father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and most of his family members in 1975, a shift occurred. The post-1975 governments gradually distanced themselves from the original spirit of the Liberation War, leading to a contested national narrative.
Today, more than five decades after independence, a new generation of Bangladeshis has grown up with different priorities and influences. The declining significance of the liberation war is, first and foremost, attributed to changing political narratives. The memory of the war has been politicised by successive governments.
The Awami League positions itself as the guardian of the liberation war’s legacy, while opposition parties, particularly the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat-e-Islami, have sought to challenge or reinterpret this history. The political use of historical memory has led to fatigue and scepticism among younger generations.
Second, Bangladesh’s rapid economic transformation and urbanisation have shifted national priorities. Younger generations are more engaged with global trends, technology and economic aspirations than with historical narratives. As globalisation reshapes cultural influences, the historical memory of 1971 has become less central to their sense of identity.
Rise of political Islam
While Bengali nationalism was the driving force behind independence, political Islam has gained traction in recent decades.
Islamist groups, supported by religious political parties, have attempted to redefine Bangladeshi identity with a stronger emphasis on Islam rather than linguistic nationalism. This shift is reflected in the growing debates over whether Bangladeshis should identify as “Bengalis first” or “Muslims first”.
Finally, the generation that directly experienced 1971 is gradually passing away. As first-hand accounts fade, historical memory is increasingly shaped by textbooks, digital media and political discourse, where revisionist narratives sometimes challenge the dominant liberation narrative.
The July-August 2024 students’ movement provides a striking example of this ideological shift. Historically, student activism in Bangladesh has been driven by secular, leftist movements — from the 1952 Language Movement to the anti-Ershad protests in 1990. However, the 2024 protests had a pronounced religious undertone, with some factions emphasising Islamic identity over Bengali nationalism.
Interim government Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus has stated that the protests were part of a “meticulously designed” agitation to remove Sheikh Hasina from power. Masses of people and students were misled by the conspirators of July-August, many of whom used Sheikh Mujib’s quotations, wore the national flag on their heads and sang the national anthem to manipulate public sentiment.
Organisations such as the Jamaat-e-Islami, its students wing, the Islami Chhatra Shibir, the Hizbut Tahrir, and a few other Islamic fundamentalist organisations were reportedly part of the students’ movement. Now, people are realising that they were deceived, reaffirming that the spirit of the liberation war remains deeply ingrained in Bangladesh’s national consciousness.
Bangladesh is at a crossroads in its national identity. While the liberation war remains a defining historical event, its memory is being reinterpreted by newer generations. The July-August 2024 movement initially masked its ties to Islamist groups, misleading many into believing it was a purely nationalist movement. However, after August 5, 2024, the hidden influence of Islamist forces became evident.
Despite attempts to distort national consciousness, the majority of Bangladeshis have not forgotten the spirit of the liberation war. The coming years will determine whether Bangladesh can maintain a balance between its linguistic and cultural heritage and the rising influence of political Islam.
(Published under Creative Commons by 360info™. Read the original article here)
